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Op-Ed | Confederate Memorials Serve A Role In National Parks

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A statue of Confederate Gen. Thomas "Stonewall" Jackson long has stood on the battlefield at Manassas National Battlefield Park/Kurt Repanshek

Monument to Confederate Gen. Thomas "Stonewall" Jackson at Manassas National Battlefield Park/Kurt Repanshek

Editor's note: The following op-ed is from Harry Butowsky, who spent more than three decades working for the National Park Service as a historian. He's worked for a handful of directors and seen much change in the agency. Understandably, he has an interesting perspective on the current state of history in the National Park Service. 

The question of what to do with the many Confederate Memorials has come to the attention of the public recently. These memorials were originally established in National Military Parks. The War Department  designated four Civil War battlefields —Shiloh, Vicksburg, Gettysburg and Chickamauga and Chattanooga—as National Military Parks after 1890. These battles were considered by the War Department to be of exceptional political and military importance and interest, that had far-reaching effects, that were worthy of preservation for detailed military study, and that were suitable to serve as memorials to the armies engaged. They were marked and improved to indicate the lines of battle between the two armies. They were heavily monumented and served as lasting memorials to the men who fought there. They were designed for the student of military history and the historian who came to the park to study the battle. These parks have a strong educational value

If you knew nothing about the Battle of Gettysburg and visited the park, you would be exposed to the true history and meaning of one of the most pivotal battles of the Civil War. The value of these parks derives not from the size or the number of statues present, but from the interpretation we place of the history of the event that is marked.

The history of the Civil War is perhaps the most dramatic and significant event in the history of the United States as an independent nation. It was the climax of a half-century of social, political, and economic rivalries growing out of an economy half-slave, half-free. In the race for territorial expansion in the West, in the evolution of the theories of centralized government, and in the conception of the rights of the individual, these rivalries became so intense as to find a solution only in the grim realities of civil strife.

It was on the great battlefields of this war, stretching from the Mexican border to Pennsylvania, that these differences were resolved in a new concept of national unity and an extension of freedom. In the scope of its operations, in the magnitude of its cost in human life and financial resources, the war had few, if any, parallels in the past. Its imprint upon the future was deep and lasting, its heroic sacrifice an inspiring tribute to the courage and valor of the American people.

The national attention of the issue of Confederate monuments is giving Americans the opportunity to debate the intricacies of history and historic preservation and decide what course to support for the future. Through telling the stories of the Civil War battles and individual preservation struggles at our parks, we examine the complexity of the idea of historic preservation as it has been practiced during the 150 years since the end of the war.

These parks with their associated monuments, literature, films, and interpretive tours tell the story about previous generations of Americans and how they looked at their history and decided what to preserve and why the preservation of Civil War battlefields are important. The National Park Service is perfectly capable of interpreting the history of Gettysburg and the creation of the park without offending any visitors.

Just because Robert E. Lee was a slave owner does nothing to diminish his pivotal role in the war, and especially the battle of Gettysburg. If the statue to Lee is large and imposing, this tells us about how he was viewed by the generations of Americans who erected it. 

Park preservation is defined by its sometimes conflicting roles of protecting a resource and using the resource to educate the public about its significance. Park preservation and interpretation work because they require vigilance and commitment on the part of all Americans.

Yes, we can say that the previous generations of Americans were racist, xenophobic, and intolerant. But are we any better today? Have we created a perfect non-racial society, or is the march to equality and true history ended.

The removal of existing statues in our Civil War parks will not change our history, but make it more difficult to confront and examine our history. National parks are the great American classroom where American history is taught. As a nation, we need to remember our history with all of its warts, blemishes, and great achievements. The answer is not to take down statues, but to improve our interpretation and understanding of history. This is the great role for our national parks and one that is increasing in danger of being lost in what passes for education today in our schools and universities.

The national parks are for the American people—all the American people. They form the common bond of our shared heritage and should not be diminished to achieve political correctness. Our parks need to be preserved intact. The existing monuments and memorials need to be preserved.

To remove the Confederate statues would diminish the educational value and historic significance of the parks. Keep all the existing monuments intact. They have educational value. Improve the interpretation as needed to include information about slavery and secession, but keep the parks and monuments intact.

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Comments

Kurt - Racism existed. No one questions that.  However, Alfred's point is that while there were racists, that did not reflect the view of "the Country".  , According to Adam Rothman, a historian with Georgetown University, as quoted by Snopes, the nationwide calculation for the percentage of "families owning slaves," at the time of the war was 7.4%.  Currently some 8-10% of Americans have a felony record.  Does that make us a felonious country?

 


In context of the history of this country being termed 'racist', using "families owning slaves" as a criteria is generous to a fault. "individuals and/or groups supporting racism" may be more difficult for those assigning blame, but it may be closer to accurate.It might be best to gather the opinions of those who have encountered the sharp end of the stick.


This from footnote 11, page 60, THE CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION, 2d edition, by J. G. Randall and David Donald (Boston: D. C. Heath, 1961): "The majority of Negro owners of slaves had some personal interest in their property . . . There were instances, however, in which free Negroes had a real economic interest in . . . slavery and held slaves in order to improve their economic status." [John Hope] Franklin, From Slavery to Freedom, 221.

I first read that footnote 54 years ago. What? Freed Blacks in the South owned slaves? Never heard that in high-school history. Which remains my point. Adjectives destroy critical thought. Enough said. And if readers don't believe John Hope Franklin--the dean of African- American history--I cannot imagine whom they will believe. I was privileged to have dinner with him a couple of years before he died. A finer scholar I never knew.


as a criteria is generous to a fault

So Rick, what is your criteria?  What do you have to show that indicates the majority of American's in 1860 where racists?  Answer, as usual: Nada.  I think if that had been the case, the South would not have come out on the short end of the stick.  

 


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